This book addresses this important question by analyzing the major France and Germany have played a pivotal role in the history and politics of European integration. Yet, paradoxically, a study that systematically investigates the interrelated reality of Franco-German bilateralism and multilateral European integr Rawi Abdelal, Professor of Business Administration Harvard Business School Flying Tiger is a truly extraordinary book, which will soon be considered a classic and essential to the canons of international relations theory and European politics.
It is a model for combining brilliant, insightful theorizing with painstaking, detailed empirical narration. While many see high politics as contributing to the uncertain future or even outright failure of the European project, Krotz uncovers, theorizes, and explains a successful effort at bilateral development and production of advanced weaponry. This is, as Krotz puts it, 'a different sort of European integration,' but integration nonetheless.
David G. Haglund, Professor of International Relations, Queen's University, Canada On the face of things, Flying Tiger is about helicopter production, but as one reads further in this impressively original book, it is obvious that Ulrich Krotz's concerns are with much more than cooperation between France and Germany. In detailing the many ups and downs this highly symbolic flying machine has encountered over the course of decades, the author is really telling a much larger story, one that goes to the heart of the ongoing challenge of 'building' Europe.
In crisp and clear prose, and drawing skillfully upon international relations theory, Krotz provides invaluable insight into the current state and future prospects of European security and defense cooperation.
Helen Wallace, Centennial Professor, European Institute, London School of Economics and Political Science This ambitious volume draws on the very best traditions of empirical research and meticulous analysis. Its arguments about and evidence on the interconnections of the domestic, bilateral and multilateral layers of policy deserve to be widely read. International Relations and National Interest; 3. Why Cooperate? Bilateral Will and National Resilience ; 5.
Franco-German cabinet per year, 19 meet- meetings since ings between January The existence of common and complementary and July interests is not the sole foundation of the special Intergovernmental Twice a year, 80 character of Franco-German relations since , consultations be- Franco-German sum- however. Without a doubt, economic, security, status, tween mits in total between and power interests were of fundamental significance and to the emergence and subsequent dynamism of the Commissioners for Irregular relationship during the Cold War and thereafter. Mythen und Real- france-allemagne.
Thus, strong mutual expectations of cooperative behaviour and the taming of short-term maximisation of national interests have evolved between the two 2. Reciprocal expectation in the sense of do ut des— shaping European politics giving and taking—are of a diffuse rather than a specific nature, embedded in the long history of cooperation and the comparatively high degree of mutual trust. In fact, the special bilateral relationship important institutional reforms and policy proposals, has developed into a core strategic element of and served as mediators to foster compromises.
Republic played the reactive junior part. The depth of the Franco-German Germany supported the failed Fouchet Plan, which de Gaulle had advocated, and aimed at making Europe an actor in international relations—thus 9 On the differences between diffuse and specific reciprocity in internation- al relations, see Robert O. The 12 Federal Republic, revived the stagnating process of ratification of the treaty in Germany proved difficult.
These notably European policies drifted apart to an extent that has include the implementation of the plans to establish a not been seen since then. In the context of policy. Shortly thereafter, in to name perhaps surfaced during the s. Against French resistance, the gravest example , both countries watered Germany promoted the Eastern enlargement of the down the Stability and Growth Pact after both had European Union as a strategic objective.
Still, 19 the Franco-German European leadership. Studies forthcoming. For the first time since World War 24 conclusion of the summit negotiations—may represent II, the Federal Republic served in an exposed leadership the historical zenith of Franco-German influence in the role in security policy and crisis diplomacy.
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European project. Over the substantive priorities.
The Treaties of Amsterdam past decades, Franco-German influence has played and Nice are cases in point. Yet, to a large extent they continue to shape the financing of this costly policy domain. Europe, , pp. Declining Gestaltungsmacht crisis providing the most recent example.
To what extent have divergent preferences on major obstacles to more effective cooperation have long key issues of European politics impeded common persisted, and continue to do so. Importantly rooted in leadership? And is France still available as a partner dissimilar historical experiences and what they made of to Germany for strategic objectives and tasks? For many 31 years, France has consistently been much more reluctant A number of observers have predicted that an than Germany to pool sovereignty in these core areas of increasingly enlarged and more heterogeneous EU national sovereignty.
This argument, however, of political goals.
On the difficult, slow, yet durable cooperation in the realms disasters, further fed the trend. Over the course of the Eurozone flexible forms of integration, their power was also crisis, for example, European decision-making greater in this smaller context than within the circle processes have clearly displayed a trend towards of all 28 member states.
The only major example further intergovernmentalism. The European Council of a move towards differentiated integration in strengthened its political standing, and the Eurozone which Germany and France did not provide decisive summits were institutionalized. Germany and France 35 leadership came with the European Banking Union, unmistakably drove this development. Whilst Germany certainly Both the negotiations on Brexit and its consequences, influenced the European decision-making processes however, are likely to see France and Germany once to a larger degree, joint German-French leadership more in a highly prominent role.
During the decisive mattered, for example, in seeking viable compromises stages of the negotiations with the United Kingdom, between tightening fiscal rules on the one hand and the remaining big member states, first and foremost the pressure to enact structural reforms on the other. Furthermore, Brexit, and EU politics in its to the empirical reality. The financial crisis and Eurozone calamities have further strengthened this trend.
September The challenges of economic and with the enduring consequences of the Eurozone political power shifts crisis. Up to the election of Emmanuel Macron to the French presidency in May , France was increasingly seen as becoming part of the problem, The economic and political shifts in influence and power rather than an ally in seeking viable solutions.
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- Flying Tiger: International Relations Theory and the Politics of Advanced Weapons.
In the wake of the reunification, some far- bilateral relationship. A current account and trade balance, the respective share lagging behind which—unless France profoundly of global trade, the increasingly dissimilar importance of reforms its economic and social model—could cause exports for gross domestic product, the evolution of unit a decoupling of the two nations with potentially fatal labour costs, and the increasingly divergent contribution political and strategic consequences for the process of industry towards the total value added.
According of European integration. That would not only have competitiveness drifted apart, German political elites adverse consequences for the French ability to act at times have prominently expressed their increasing internationally in security and defence, but also for dissatisfaction or contempt toward the reform-resistant the potential for common Franco-German or wider France.
French inability or unwillingness to undertake European international military crisis management.
Coordinated Weapons Production in NATO : A Study of Alliance Processes
For a similar view from the leftist camp, consult the ex- erexecode. November Short-term stabilization of the Eurozone through The May election of Emmanuel Macron to risk-sharing at the expense of genuine reforms might the highest political office in France is likely to undermine its longer-term consolidation and stability. And the necessary material resources for investments in secondly, Macron is perfectly aware that a co-equal security and defence, and to demonstrate its political leadership role for France can only be attained commitment to assume international responsibility through successful economic and social reform at least somewhat in accordance with its economic at the domestic level.
Ambitionen, Strategien, Erfolgsbedingungen.
Flying Tiger: International Relations theory and the politics of advanced weapons
In: Integration toward moralism and passivism. It allows for the creation of a subgroup regain the influence in European politics that France of Member States committing themselves to strict had lost during the last two decades. Besides calling for Franco-German relationship can be once again based permanent structured co-operations PESCOs , on a sounder, because less asymmetric basis. This is they advocated—among other ideas—a permanent without a doubt in the German interest, as it would EU military and civilian planning and conduct allay the widespread fears among its partners of an capability, regular European Council meetings on unchallenged and unbalanced German hegemony in security and defence issues, common financing of the European Union.